In November of 1936, Dennis H.
Robertson proclaimed: “it is not as a refutation of a
common-sense account of events in terms of supply and demand
for loanable funds, but as an alternative version of it,
that Mr. Keynes' account as finally developed must be
regarded.” (p.183) The following February, Keynes asked
Robertson to provide “at least one reference as to where
this common-sense account is to be found.” (p. 210) Thus
began the controversy that evolved into what became known as
the liquidity-preference/loan-able-funds (LP/LF) debate.
This debate continued long after Keynes’ death in 1946 when
the torch was passed from Keynes to the Keynesians.
With the Keynesians in charge, the
debate took a decidedly Walrasian turn. While some
Keynesians may have continued to defend Keynes’ argument from
A Treatise on Money to the effect that the rate of
interest cannot change in response to a change in saving or
investment in the absence of a change in income, the vast
majority fully embraced John R. Hicks’ 1936 argument to the
effect that it makes no difference which theory one accepts
since the static equilibrium properties of the two theories
are the same. The Keynesians embraced this argument in
spite of the fact that Keynes had rejected it in June of
1937.
In response to the Keynesians,
Robertson and his fellow anti-Keynesians continued to insist
that Keynes was wrong in his rejection of the idea that the
rate of interest is determined by saving and investment
through the supply and demand for loanable funds
irrespective of whether the equilibrium properties of the
two theories are the same. The position of the
anti-Keynesians was best summarized by Harry Johnson in
1961:
The liquidity preference-loanable
funds debate turns on the question of whether the rate of
interest is better regarded as equilibrating the flow of
funds onto and off the market for securities or as
equilibrating the demand for and supply of the stock of
cash. The answer… seems to be that…it makes no
difference…provided… one is concerned only with the
determination of the equilibrium level of the rate of
interest…. The two theories become different, however, when
applied to dynamic analysis of disequilibrium situations.…
In a dynamic context, the loanable-funds theory definitely
makes more economic sense; and the sustained resistance of
Keynesians to admitting it, evident most notably in the
prolonged defense…of the proposition that an increase in the
propensity to save lowers the interest rate only by reducing
the level of income, is a credit to their ingenuity rather
than their scientific spirit. (1961, pp. 6-7)
And so it went until Robertson died in
1963, a point in time at which the Keynesians so dominated
the discipline of economics that there seemed to be no need
for them to continue to respond to the anti-Keynesians on
this issue, and the controversy just petered out.
Since it made no difference to the
Keynesians which theory was assumed, the Keynesians walked
away from the debate confident they were victorious as they
concentrated on the equilibrium properties of their models.
And since the anti-Keynesians were no longer rebuffed by the
Keynesians, the anti-Keynesians walked away equally
confident of the victorious nature of their performance.
Thus, the debate ended with both sides declaring victory.
As a result, the issues of the Robertson \/Keynes
controversy have never been resolved, for while it is
generally agreed that the two theories have identical static
equilibrium properties, there exists no consensus as to
the nature of their dynamic properties.[1]
The failure
to
achieve a consensus in this regard has had the gravest of
consequences for it left the discipline of economics with
two theories of interest, each of which seems plausible and
neither of which is fully understood. The result has been a
persistent ambiguity with regard to numerous theoretical and
practical problems relating to the way in which saving
affects the economic system. The reason is, Keynes
argued throughout The General Theory that saving is a
nemesis that plagues the economic system by inhibiting
economic growth and employment. It was this argument that
Robertson challenged in his controversy with Keynes. Thus,
even though the primary focus of the LP/LF debate was on the
determination of the rate of interest—the
substance of the debate as framed by Robertson and
the anti-Keynesians—was concerned with the way in which
saving affects the economic system. As a result, the
anti-Keynesians walked away from the debate believing their
view of the beneficial role of saving had been vindicated.
This created a situation in which
economists have taken positions on both sides of the
issue—some arguing that saving inhibits economic growth and
employment (demand-side economics) and others arguing that
economic growth and employment are stimulated by saving
(supply-side economics). The result has been a rudderless
guide to ad hoc policies over the past fifty years
that have led us to where we find ourselves today, faced
with a bitter divide over the appropriate response to the
economic, political, and social crisis that has been
developing throughout the world since the Crash of 2008—a
divide in which neither side seems to be able to understand
why the other is so confused.
I believe that given the history of the
LP/LF debate this divide cannot be bridged in the absence of
a clear understanding of the way in which the rate of
interest is determined within the context in which the issue
was originally raised by Keynes, namely, within the context
of the Marshallian paradigm of supply and demand. There are
many grounds on which one can criticize this paradigm, but I
suspect that almost all economists recognize its essential
validity, and I can’t even imagine what it would be like to
try to make sense out of a market economy in a principles
course without the concepts of supply and demand as put
forth by Marshall. If we are unable to start with an
explanation of the way in which prices and quantities are
determined by the actions of decision-making units in
individual markets within the context of a Marshallian
partial-equilibrium analysis, how is it possible to provide
a causal explanation of the way in which prices and
quantities are determined within any economic model?
It is the purpose of this monograph to
sort through the issues of the LP/LF debate in order to
provide a definitive explanation of the way in which the
rate of interest is determined within the Marshallian
paradigm of supply and demand, and, beyond this, to explain
the fundamental connection between the central thesis of
Keynes’ General Theory—that consumption is
the driving force for economic growth and employment, not
saving—and the economic, political, and social problems
we face today.
Chapter I,
Robertson versus Keynes, reviews the arguments of
the controversy between Robertson and Keynes that are
essential to understanding the issues that separated the two
sides in the LP/LF debate. It is argued that whether or not
the loanable-funds theory is consistent with the Marshallian
paradigm is the seminal issue raised by Keynes in The
General Theory, but this issue became lost in
Robertson’s conflation of three separate issues raised by
Keynes: 1) whether or not the rate of interest is determined
by saving and investment, 2) whether or not an increase in
the propensity to save can stimulate the formation of
capital, and 3) whether or not full employment can be
maintained in the long run by monetary policy alone.
These three issues are examined in
detail below, the first in Chapter
II, The Theory of Interest, which explains
the causal/dynamic nature of Keynes’ theory of interest, and
the second and third in Chapter III, The
Long-Period Problem of Saving, which argues that the
failure to understand the causal/dynamic nature of Keynes’
theory of interest led policy makers to ignore the
long-period problem of saving that Keynes’ explained
throughout The General Theory—that is, the problem of
maintaining full employment in the long run in the face of a
declining prospective yield at the margin due to the
increasing stock of capital that results from the flow of
saving/ investment.
Chapter IV,
The Long-Period Problem of Debt, argues that the failure
to appreciate Keynes’ long-period problem of saving led to
the fundamental problem we face today, namely, what may be
referred to as the long-period problem of debt—that
is, a situation in which the institutions within society are
such that, given the state of mass-production technology,
the full employment of existing resources can only be
achieved and maintained through an unsustainable increase in
debt relative to income. It is further argued that the
reason we face this problem today is because of the increase
in the concentration of income and international imbalances
that have occurred over the past thirty-five years that are
the result of the institutional changes brought on by
the economic policies that have been implemented over the
past forty-five years.
Chapter V,
Concluding Observations, argues that ignoring Keynes’
long-period problem of saving—combined with a failure to
understand its companion, the long-period problem of
debt—resulted in the adoption of economic policies over the
past forty-five years that have taken us down a road that
inevitably leads to the kind of financial crisis we
experienced in 2008 and the economic stagnation that
followed. It is argued that there can be little hope for
the future so long as economists are unable to come to a
clear understanding of Keynes’ long-period problem of saving
in a way that leads to an overwhelming consensus within the
discipline of economics to the effect that—consumption is
the driving force for economic growth and employment, not
saving.
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The Theory of Interest
Robertson versus Keynes
and
The
Long-Period Problem of
Saving and Debt
Third Edition