Understanding the Federal Budget
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As we saw in Chapter 2, the largest increase in
the federal budget over the past sixty years has been in the area of
Human Resources. This category went from 33.4% of the budget and 5.1% of
GDP in 1950 to 70.0% of the budget and 14.5% of GDP in 2013.
The great bulk of the expenditures in this category fund our
social-insurance programs. These are the programs—the largest of which
are
Social Security and
Medicare—that grew out of
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal.
Social Security and
Medicare, as well as many other programs provided by the federal
government, are insurance programs in that they provide protection against
the possibility of becoming indigent as a result of a devastating loss that
may or may not occur.
Social Security, for example, provides insurance against the possibility
of not being able to save enough to provide for one's retirement, the loss
of one's savings as a result of poor investment choices, outliving one's
savings, or the inability to earn a living as a result of becoming disabled
or through the premature death of a working parent or spouse.
Medicare provides insurance against the possibility of becoming
uninsurable due to poor health in one's elder years and the inability to
meet one's healthcare needs out of savings.
These are
social-insurance programs in that they pool the risk
across all or most members of society by including all or most members of
society in the payment and benefit structure they offer. In addition, they
provide the kind of insurance that
cannot be provided by private insurance companies in that there exists
no market mechanism by which these kinds of risk can be efficiently or
effectively pooled within the economic system in the absence of government
intervention. (Lindert
Kleinbard)
Most
of the expenditures in the Human Resources
category of the budget are included in the
Office of Management and Budget’s
Table 11.3—Outlays for Payments for Individuals.
The expenditures in 2013 for each program in this table that had a budget in
excess of $500 thousand are listed in Table 3.1 along with the
percent of GDP and of the federal budget that each program represented in
that year.
Table 3.1: Federal Payments for Individuals, 2013.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget (10.1
11.3)
The totals for each
of the major categories in this table are plotted in Figure 3.1
for the years 1940 through 2013, both as a percent of GDP and as a percent
of the federal budget. In this figure, Total is
Total, payments for individuals from
OMB's Table 11.3; Retirement is the sum of
Social Security and railroad retirement and
Federal employees retirement and insurance; Unemployment is
Unemployment Assistance; Medical is
Medical care; Student Aid is
Assistance to students; Housing is
Housing assistance; Food is
Food and nutrition assistance; Public Assistance is
Public assistance and related programs; and Other is the sum of
all federal payments for individuals in
OMB's Table 11.3 not included elsewhere.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
Figure 3.1
shows the extent to which Human Resources
has been dominated by federal healthcare and retirement programs.
Retirement and Medical in Figure 3.1 went from 5.5% of the
budget and 0.53% of GDP in 1940 to 29.2% of the budget and 6.1% of GDP in
2013. At the same time, Public Assistance, Food,
Unemployment, Housing, Student Aid, and Other each
remained at less than 6% of the budget during the entire period and none
exceeded 2% of GDP.
Not only does
Figure 3.1 show the extent to which Human Resources
has been dominated by federal healthcare and
retirement programs, it also shows that rising healthcare cost is the main
engine by which Human Resources
expenditures have been driven up since the 1960s. While there was a
significant increase in the cost of federal Retirement
programs since 1965 (by 9.9% of the budget and 2.9% of GDP) and the
cost of federal Public Assistance programs has increased somewhat
since then (by 1.1% of the budget and 0.4% of GDP), the cost of federal
healthcare programs has increased by 25.4% of the budget and 5.3% of GDP
since 1965.
When we examine the data in Figure 3.1
we find that 55% of the increase in the total costs of the programs listed
in Table 3.1 since 1965 can be attributed to the increase in the cost
of federal Medical programs, 29% to the increase in the cost of
federal Retirement programs, and only 16% to the increases in the
cost of all other programs listed in Table 3.1 combined.
The fundamental nature of this increase can be
seen by examining the costs of the individual programs contained in each of
the categories plotted in Figure 3.1.
Federal
healthcare Programs
Medical in Figure 3.1 is the sum
of the twelve items that fall under the heading
Medical care in Table 3.1. The contribution of each program to
the total healthcare cost of the federal government is displayed in
Figure 3.2 by combining
Medicare’s
hospital insurance and
supplementary medical insurance programs in Table 3.1 into the
single variable Medicare and comparing the total cost of
Medicare and
Medicaid (Medicare+Medicaid) to the cost of these programs
separately. The total costs of all other federal healthcare programs are
combined in Other. These aggregates are plotted in Figure 3.2
along with the Total of
Medical care in
OMB's Table 11.3.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
It should be clear from Figure 3.2 that
the fundamental problem with rising healthcare costs in the federal budget
lies in the Medicare and Medicaid programs. While all other
federal healthcare programs barely changed from 1965 through 2013—going from
1.28% of the budget to 2.31% and from 0.21% of GDP to 0.48%—Medicare
went from a nonexistent program to 16.9% of the budget and 3.5% of GDP while
Medicaid, which was virtually nonexistent in 1965, went from 0.23% of
the budget and 0.04% of GDP to 7.7% of the budget in 2013 and 1.6% of GDP.
Together, Medicare and Medicaid made up 24.6% of the budget
and 5.11% of GDP in 2013.
Retirement
in Figure 3.1 is the sum of seven items
in the
OMB's Table 11.3. These items are displayed in
Figure 3.3 by combining
Social security: old age and survivors
insurance (OASI in Figure 3.3)
and
Social security: disability insurance (SSDI
in Figure 3.3) programs in the single variable Social Security
and comparing this aggregate (which is often referred to by the acronym
OASDI) with the
Military retirement and
Veterans service-connected compensation
programs (which are combined in the single variable Military & Veterans
in Figure 3.3) and the
Civil service retirement and disability
program (Civil Service) from the
OMB's Table 11.3.
Railroad retirement (excl. social security)
is combined with
Other (All Other in Figure 3.1).
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
It is clear from Figure 3.3 that the
Railroad retirement (excl. social security) and
Other retirement programs in
OMB's Table 11.3 play an insignificant role in either the budget or the
economy as All Other amounted to only 0.30% of the budget in 2013 and
0.06% of the economy. The Military & Veterans and Civil Service
retirement programs, on the other hand, play a somewhat more significant
role at 3.3% and 2.2% of the budget and 0.68% and 0.46% of the economy,
respectively, in 2013.
The major player in this segment of the budget is clearly Social Security
which went from virtual nonexistence in 1940 to 23.4% of the budget in 2013
and 4.9% of the economy.
It is worth emphasizing, however, that even
though there was a rather dramatic increase in Social Security from
1940 until it peaked at 4.8% of GDP in 1983, Social Security has been
fairly stable relative to GDP since the 1970s. At the same time it must be
noted that
OASDI is expected to increase relative to the economy as the baby
boomers retire, reaching a peak of
6% of GDP in 2036. This is 1.2% of GDP above its 4.8% peak in 1983. This
poses a problem, but this problem is relatively minor and fundamentally
different from the problem posed by the
rising cost of healthcare in the federal budget.
Food
in Figure 3.1 is the sum of four items that
fall under the heading
Food and nutrition assistance in
OMB's Table 11.3. Federal expenditures on each
of these programs along with their total are plotted in Figure 3.4
from 1940 through 2013 where School Lunch is
Child nutrition and
special milk programs in
OMB's Table 11.3, WIC is
Supplemental feeding programs (WIC
and
CSFP), Food Stamps is
SNAP (formerly
Food stamps) (including
Puerto Rico), and Other is
Commodity donations and other.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
As is indicated in
Figure 3.4, while expenditures on
Food and nutrition assistance (Total)
didn't even exist in
OMB's Table 11.3 prior to 1947, this category
of the federal budget increased dramatically during the 1973-1975
recession—increasing from 0.49% of the budget in 1970 and 0.09% of the
economy to 2.14% of the budget and 0.44% of the economy by 1976—and has
remained fairly high ever since. Expenditures in this category peaked at
2.47% of the budget and 0.49% of the economy in 1995 then declined to 1.81%
of the budget and 0.32% of the economy by 2000. They then increased
gradually until the crisis hit in 2008. By 2013 expenditures on federal food
programs had reached an all time high—3.2% of the federal budget and 0.66%
of the economy.
The largest of the
federal food programs is the
SNAP (formerly
Food stamps) (including
Puerto Rico) program (Food Stamps)
which went from virtually nothing in 1965 (0.03% of the budget, 0.00% of
GDP) to 2.39% of the budget and 0.50% of GDP in 2013. At the same time,
Child nutrition and
special milk programs (School Lunch)
went from 0.22% of the budget and 0.04% of GDP to 0.56% of the budget and
0.12% of GDP by 2013; the
Supplemental feeding programs (WIC
and
CSFP) (WIC) which didn’t come into
being until 1976 increased to 0.19% of the budget and 0.04% of GDP by 2013,
and
Commodity donations and other (Other)
began at 0.26% of the budget in 1972 and 0.05% of GDP and fell to 0.03% of
the budget and 0.01% of GDP by 2013.
Just the same, this
category takes up less than 4% of the federal budget today in spite of the
employment problems caused by the financial crisis and economic downturn we
have been attempting to deal with since 2007. The seemingly dramatic
2.9 and 0.62 percentage point increases (of the budget and GDP) in Total
food and nutrition from 1965 through 2013 shown in Figure 3.4 are
substantially less than the corresponding 16.9 and 3.5 percentage point
increases in Medicare, the 8.9 and the 2.5 percentage point increases
in Social Security, and the 7.5 and 1.6 percentage point increases in
Medicaid shown in Figure 3.2 and Figure 3.3.
Public Assistance in Figure 3.1
is the sum of eight items in the
OMB's Table 11.3. These items, along with the
Total of
Public assistance and related programs are
plotted in Figure 3.5 where SSI is the
Supplemental security income program in
OMB's Table 11.3, TANF is
Family support payments to States and TANF,
EITC is
Earned income tax credit, CTC
(Child Tax Credit) is
Payment where child credit exceeds tax liability,
Daycare is
Payments to States for daycare assistance,
Foster Care is
Payments to states—Foster Care/Adoption Assist,
and VNSCP is
Veterans non-service connected pensions.
Expenditures on the
Low income home energy assistance program and
on
Other public assistance in Table 3.1
are included in Other in Figure 3.4.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
There were only two public assistance programs listed in
OMB's Table 11.3 that existed in 1973:
Family support payments to States and TANF (formally
Aid to Dependent Children or ADC) and
Veterans non-service connected pensions.
Public assistance programs began to multiply in the 1970s starting with the
Supplemental security income program in 1974,
the
Earned income tax credit and
Low income home energy assistance in 1977,
Payments to states—Foster Care/Adoption Assist
in 1981,
Payments to States for daycare assistance in
1993, and
Payment where child credit exceeds tax liability
in 1999.
The
largest of the
Public assistance and related programs in the
1960s,
Family support payments to States and TANF (TANF),
peaked in 1972 at 2.84% of the budget and 0.54% of GDP and then gradually
decreased to 0.61% of the budget by 2013 and 0.13% of GDP. This fall
reflects the creation of the
Supplemental security income program and
Earned income tax credit programs which
received some of the funding that had previously gone to the
Family Support program.
In spite of the proliferation
of public assistance programs, it must be noted that the growth in
Total, Public assistance and related programs (Total) has been
relatively modest, increasing from 3.93% of the budget in 1965 and 0.65% of
GDP to just 4.99% of the budget and 1.04% of GDP in 2013. These 1.1 and 0.38
percentage point increases in expenditures also are substantially less than
the corresponding 16.9 and 3.5 percentage point increases in Medicare,
the 8.9 and the 2.5 percentage point increases in Social Security,
and the 7.5 and 1.6 percentage point increases in Medicaid shown in
Figure 3.2 and Figure 3.3.
Unemployment assistance is a single item in
OMB's Table 11.3. The expenditures on this
program are plotted in Figure 3.6, both as a percent of the budget
and as a percent of GDP.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
Unsurprisingly, expenditures on this program
follow the level of economic activity—peaking in response to economic
downturns and falling as the economy recovers. It has tended to average
somewhat less than 2% of the federal budget and less than 0.44% of the
economy during normal times. It reached a peak of 4.99% of the budget and
1.04% of the economy in 1976 and peaked again in 2010 at 4.58% of the budget
and 1.07% of GDP. Unemployment Assistance fell to 1.98% of the budget
and 0.41% of GDP in 2013.
Of the nine programs
left to be examined in
OMB's Table 11.3, only two are of significant
magnitude to be considered separately:
Total, Assistance to students and
Housing assistance. Expenditures on these two
programs are plotted in Figure 3.7 as Student Aid and
Housing, respectively. The remaining seven programs are included in
All Other Programs in this figure.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
Student Aid increased dramatically
following World War II as a result of the
GI Bill, reaching an astonishing 10.3% of the budget and 1.49% of GDP in
1947. It then decreased sharply through 1953, then gradually until it began
to increase again in 1965. From 1965 through 1976 it went from 0.04% of the
budget and 0.01% of GDP to 2.12% of the budget and 0.44% of GDP. It declined
sharply in the late 1970s and then gradually in the 1980s and 1990s to reach
a low of 0.54% of the budget and 0.10% of GDP in 2001. Student Aid
jumped to 1.95% of the budget and 0.38% of GDP by 2006 and stood at 1.68% of
the budget and 0.35% of GDP in 2013.
At the same time,
Housing assistance increased gradually from 1965 through 1995—from 0.19%
of the budget and 0.03% of GDP to 1.69% of the budget and 0.34% of GDP. It
then fell to 1.14% of the budget and 0.24% of GDP by 2013.
All Other Programs went from 0.60% of
the budget in 1965 and 0.01% of GDP to 0.18% of the budget and 0.04% of GDP
in 2013.
Yet again we find that these changes are
substantially less than the corresponding 16.9 and 3.5 percentage point
increases in Medicare, the 8.9 and the 2.5 percentage point increases
in Social Security, and the 7.5 and 1.6 percentage point increases in
Medicaid shown in Figure 3.2 and Figure 3.3.
Figure 3.8
provides a summary of the Human Resources programs contained
in
OMB's Table 11.3 where in this figure Total
Outlays is the sum of all federal government expenditures as given by
the OMB's
Table 3.2, Payments for Individuals,
Retirement, Medical, and Retirement + Medical are
as given by the totals of the corresponding items in the
OMB's Table 11.3, and All Other
Payments for Individuals is the sum of all payments for individuals less
expenditures for Medical and Retirement.
Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (11.3
3.2
10.1)
This figure clearly shows the extent to which
the dramatic increase in the Human Resources component of the federal
budget has been dominated by the increase in Retirement + Medical
since the early 1950s as
Social Security began to grow and especially since 1965 when
Medicare and
Medicaid came into existence. Fully 84% of the 9.7 percentage point
increase in Pay for Individuals as a percent of the economy from 1965
through 2013 can be attributed to the increase in Retirement + Medical,
and only 16% of that increase can be attributed to all other payments for
individuals combined.
When we break down the increase in
Retirement + Medical over this period we find that 35% of the increase
in Retirement + Medical from 1965 through 2007 came from the increase
in Retirement, and 65% of the increase came from the increase in
Medical. These numbers clearly indicate the extent to which the rising
costs of medical programs present a challenge for the federal budget.
While Retirement increased dramatically
from 1965 through 1974, it then stabilized as a percent of the budget and of
GDP. As a result, in 2013 Retirement was at about the same level it
was during the 1970s. This does not mean that federal retirement,
specifically,
Social Security, poses no problems. As was noted above,
Social Security’s OASDI’S obligations are expected to increase relative
to the economy as the baby boomers retire reaching a peak of
6% of GDP in 2036 at 1.2% of GDP above its 4.8% peak in 1983. This poses
a problem, but this problem can be managed by the
Social Security System
without the need for a wholesale restructuring of the system. The same
cannot be said for
the problems faced by the federal healthcare system.
Unlike Retirement, Medical has
increased almost continuously since 1975 from 1.63% of GDP to 5.59% in 2013.
When we break down this increase we find that 67% of the increase in
Medical came from the increase in Medicare and 30% came from the
increase in Medicaid. The other 3% came from increase in all other
healthcare programs combined. What is particularly disturbing about this
increase is the increase after 1980 when the Medicare and Medicaid
programs reached their maturity, and particularly in the 1990s. Federal
healthcare costs have more than doubled relative to GDP since 1980. Clearly,
it is the ability to control healthcare costs that poses the most serious
challenge to our social-insurance system.
Finally, it is worth noting that All
Other Payments for Individuals has remained a relatively stable 10% of
the budget and 2% of GDP since the 1970s. It is in All Other
Payments for Individuals that our non-medical welfare programs are to be
found. Given the degree of misinformation that dominates today's debate over
our welfare system, it is worth taking a detailed look at the nature of the
programs that provide the foundation for this system.
Endnotes
Those
items in
OMB's Table 11.3 that were less than $500 thousand in 2013 are
included in the totals and subtotals in this table as well as in the
graphs and numbers given below.
It should be noted that programs that fall
under the heading
Federal employees retirement and insurance
in
Table 11.3 provide employee benefits
comparable to the pension and disability benefits of private employers.
They are a part of the federal government's employee compensation
package just as comparable employee benefits are part a private firm's
employee compensation package. The same is true of the medical programs
for veterans that are included in
Table 11.3. As a result, these items are
generally considered to be employee compensation rather than social
insurance, and the figures in
Table 11.3 overstate federal expenditures
on social insurance to the extent they include expenditures on employee
compensation.