From
Where Did All The Money Go?
Chapter 2
Exchange Rates and International Trade
The exchange rate between the American dollar and
a foreign country's currency is nothing more than the price foreigners must
pay in their currencies to purchase dollars. If the Chinese must pay ¥10 to
purchase one dollar of our currency, the YUAN/USD exchange rate will be ¥10
per dollar. Similarly, if the EURO/USD exchange rate is €0.75 per dollar
that means that Europeans must pay €0.75 to purchase one dollar of our
currency. In general, the higher our exchange rate the higher the price
foreigners must pay in their currencies to purchase dollars; the lower our
exchange rate the lower the price foreigners must pay in their currencies to
purchase dollars.
This works in reverse, of course, when it comes
to us buying foreign currencies. If the YUAN/USD exchange rate is ¥10 per
dollar then we can purchase ¥10 for one dollar, which works out to a price
of $0.10 per yuan. If the exchange rate is ¥5 per dollar
we can only purchase ¥5 for one dollar, which works out to a price of $0.20 per yuan. In general, the higher our
exchange rate the lower the price we must pay in our currency for a foreign
currency; the lower our exchange rate the higher the price we must pay in
our currency for a foreign currency.
Exchange rates are extremely important in
determining the flow of international trade because, in general, the
producers of goods in foreign countries must pay their costs of production
(employees, suppliers, etc.) in their domestic currencies. Those costs, in
turn, determine the prices in terms of their domestic currencies at which
they are willing to sell the goods they produce. If we wish to purchase
goods from a foreign country we must pay the prices in terms of their
domestic currencies at which producers are willing to sell. Similarly, if
foreigners wish to purchase goods from us they must pay the prices in terms
of the American dollar at witch American producers are willing to sell. As a
result, the exchange rates between currencies determine the prices people
must pay in their own currencies for the goods they import from other
countries.
To see how this works, consider a bushel of wheat
that a Chinese producer is willing to sell for ¥20. If the YUAN/USD
exchange rate is ¥10 per dollar, someone in the United States who wished to
purchase that bushel of wheat has to come up with $2 to purchase the ¥20
necessary to pay the Chinese producer ¥20. The dollar price of that bushel
of Chinese wheat in this situation will be $2/bu. If, instead, the exchange
rate is only ¥5 per dollar, the American purchaser has to come up with $4 to
purchase the ¥20 needed to purchase that bushel of Chinese wheat. This means
the dollar price of that bushel of Chinese wheat will increase to $4/bu.
even though the yuan price of wheat in China hasn't changed. In general,
the higher our exchange rates the lower the prices in dollars we must pay
for foreign goods; the lower our exchange rates the higher the prices in
dollars we must pay for foreign goods.
Again, this works in reverse when it comes to the
Chinese buying from us. If the price of a bushel of wheat in the United
States is $3, and our exchange rate with China is ¥10 per dollar, someone in
China who wishes to purchase a bushel of American wheat will have to come up
with ¥30 to purchase the $3 needed to pay the American price of wheat, and
the yuan price of American wheat will be ¥30/bu. But if our exchange rate
falls to ¥5 per dollar the Chinese importer will have to come up with only
¥15 to purchase the $3 needed to purchase the American wheat, and the yuan
price of American wheat will fall to ¥15/bu. even though the dollar price of
wheat in the United States hasn't changed. In general, the higher our
exchange rates the higher the prices foreigners must pay in their
currencies for our goods; the lower our exchange rates the lower the
prices foreigners must pay in their currencies for our goods.
The point is, exchange rates play a crucial role
in determining whether or not it is profitable for us to import goods from
foreign countries or foreigners to purchase the goods we export: At a given
set of foreign and domestic prices, when our exchange rates go up, the
dollar prices of goods produced in foreign countries go down, and it becomes
more profitable for us to import foreign goods; when our exchange rates go
down, the dollar prices of goods produce in foreign countries go up, and it
becomes less profitable for us to import foreign goods. At the same time,
when our exchange rates go up, the foreign currency prices of our goods go
up, and it becomes less profitable for foreigners to purchase our exports;
when our exchange rates go down, the foreign currency prices of our goods go
down, and it becomes more profitable for foreigners to purchase our exports.
The wage rate is nothing more than the price of
labor. As a result, exchange rates determine the dollar price of labor
(wages) in different countries in the same way they determine the dollar
price of any other foreign good. If the price of labor is ¥40/hr. in China
and the exchange rate is ¥10 per dollar, it will cost us $4 to purchase the
¥40 that an hour of labor costs in China. This means that the dollar price
of Chinese labor will be $4/hr. If the exchange rate is ¥5 per dollar, it
will cost us $8 to purchase the ¥40 that an hour of labor costs in China,
and the dollar price of Chinese labor will be $8/hr. Thus, an increase in
the exchange rate will decrease the price of foreign labor in terms of
dollars, just as it will decrease any other foreign price in terms of
dollars, and a fall in the exchange rate will increase the price of foreign
labor in terms of dollars, just as it will increase any other foreign price
in terms of dollars.
This brings us to a very important point, namely,
that just because the exchange rate is such that the price of labor is lower
in a given country (such as China) when measured in the same currency
(either yuans or dollars) than it is in the United States, this does not
mean that everything will be cheaper to produce in that country than in the
United States. The reason is that the price of labor is only one of the
factors that determine the cost of producing something. There are
other costs as well, in particular, the costs of natural resources and of
capital. In addition, the cost of labor does not depend solely on the
price of labor. It also depends on the productivity of labor,
that is, on the amount of output that can be produced per hour of labor
employed.
The importance of this should become clear when
we consider that, in spite of the fact wages are much lower in China than
they are in the United States, we do not import wheat from China. The reason
is that, in general, capital equipment is scarce and very expensive in China
relative to labor, especially the kinds of farm equipment we take for
granted in the United States. The scarcity of capital equipment, in turn,
means that much of the work that is done by farm equipment in the United
States must be done by people in China to the effect that more labor is
required to produce a given quantity of wheat in China than is required to
produce the same quantity of wheat in the United States.
The fact that it takes more labor
to produce a given quantity of wheat in China than it does in the United
States means that the dollar cost of labor in producing wheat in China is
higher than the dollar price of labor indicates. In fact, when we
combined the cost of labor in China (i.e., the price of labor times
the quantity of labor that must be employed to produce a given amount of
wheat) with all of the other costs of producing wheat—including the cost of
farm equipment, land, transportation, energy, taxes, etc.—we find that,
given the exchange rate between the yuan and the dollar, it actually
costs more to increase the production of domestically produced wheat in
China than it does to purchase wheat from the United States. As a result, we
do not import wheat from China. Instead, China imports wheat from us. (Coia
USDA) This
is so even though the dollar price of Chinese labor is far below the dollar
price of American labor.
[1]
It is the cost of increasing the
production of domestically produced goods relative to the cost (measured in
the same currency) of purchasing from a foreign country that determine which
goods we import from foreign countries and which goods foreign countries
import from us, not the relative prices of labor. And the fact that these
relative costs are determined by exchange rates means that in order to
understand how imports and exports are determined, we must look at how
exchange rates between countries are determined as well as how costs
within countries are determined. (Smith)
Exchange Rates and International Capital Flows
Since the producers of the goods
must be paid in their domestic currencies, a country’s imports must be
financed in the
foreign exchange market,
that is, in the market in which the currencies of various countries are
bought and sold.The most
important source of demand in this market comes from foreigners who purchase
the foreign exchange needed to purchase the country's exports. Similarly,
the most important source of supply comes from a country's importers who
sell the country's currency in order to obtain the foreign exchange needed
to purchase the country’s imports.
When the value of a country's imports is equal to
the value of its exports, the supply of foreign exchange from those who
purchase the country’s exports will equal the demand for foreign exchange by
those who purchase the countries imports, and the country will be able to
obtain enough foreign exchange in the foreign exchange market to finance its
imports from the sale of its exports. But if the value of a country’s
imports exceeds the value of its exports there will be a deficit in its
balance of trade, and it will not be able to
finance all of its imports in this way. This deficit must be financed, and
one of the ways it can be financed is from the incomes earned by individuals
and institutions within the country on the investments they have made in
foreign countries.
When individuals or institutions in one country
own earning assets (investments) that are denominated in other countries'
currencies, the earnings on those assets can only be spent in the domestic
economy if they are converted into the domestic currency in the foreign
exchange market. As they are converted, they contribute to the demand of the
country’s currency in the foreign exchange market. By the same token, when
individuals or institutions in other countries own earning assets that are
denominated in the domestic currency, the earnings on those assets can only
be spent in the foreign countries if they are converted into the foreign
countries’ currencies in the foreign exchange market. As they are converted,
they contribute to the supply of the domestic currency in the foreign
exchange market.
A similar situation exists when individuals or
institutions simply transfer funds abroad. When an individual sends money to
a family member abroad, a business transfers funds to a foreign subsidiary,
or a government provides aid to a foreign country in the form of cash it
increases the supply of the domestic currency in the foreign exchange market
as those funds are converted into foreign currencies by their recipients. As
a result, these kinds of international transfers of funds contribute to the
supply and demand for a country’s currency in the foreign exchange market in
the same way international payments of income contribute to the supply and
demand for a country’s currency in this market.
A country’s net exports—that is, the difference
between the value of its exports and the value of its imports—plus its net
income (similarly defined) on foreign investments plus its net transfers of
funds is referred to as the country's
current account balance. The significance of
this balance is that it defines the extent to which a country is able to pay
for its current imports, the current income earned by foreigners who hold
earning assets denominated in the country's currency, and its current
transfers of funds abroad out of the foreign exchange it receives from the
sale of its current exports, the current income it receives from its
holdings of earning assets denominated in foreign currencies, and its
receipts from current transfers of funds by foreigners.
The composition of the current account balance
for the United Sates from 1929 through 2013 is shown in Figure 2.5.
Figure 2.5: U.S. Current Account Balance,
1929-2015.
Source:
Bureau of Economic Analysis (4.1)
The extent to which our Current Account
Balance has been dominated by our
balance of trade (Net Exports)
is clear in this figure in that, in most years, these two variables are
barely distinguishable in Figure 2.5.
When a country's current account is balanced, all
of its current international expenditures can be financed by its current
international receipts of foreign exchange, where its current expenditures
and receipts are those that are generated through the ordinary process of
producing goods, earning income, and transferring income in the
international economic system. When there is a deficit in a country's
current account, all of the country's current international expenditures
cannot be financed through its current receipts. Similarly, when there is a
surplus in a country's current account the country receives more than enough
foreign exchange from its current receipts to finance its current
international expenditures.
By definition, one country's current account
deficit is some other country's current account surplus. Countries with
current account deficits must finance those deficits in their current
account obligations. Since current account deficits cannot be financed
through the ordinary process of producing goods, earning income, and
international transfers the only way they can be financed is through a
transfer of assets from surplus countries to deficit countries. These asset
transfers are referred to as
international capital flows, and they
represent a willingness of foreigners in surplus countries to invest in
deficit countries—either directly by purchasing
real assets in the country or indirectly by
purchasing the country's financial obligations, usually bonds or other forms
of debt. Foreign investments of this sort can be used to finance a deficit
in a country's current account because the sellers of these assets must be
paid in the deficit country's currency just as the producers of a country's
exports must be paid in the producers’ domestic currencies.
If a country cannot finance its current account
deficit through a current account surplus it means that the demand for its
currency in the market for foreign exchange is less than the supply of its
currency in this market. In this situation, either its exchange rates must
fall (which will make its exports less expensive to foreigners and its
imports more expensive in its domestic markets and, thereby, reduce the
current account deficit/capital account surplus) or the expected rates of
return on foreign investment in that country must increase (which will make
foreign investment more attractive and, thereby, increase the willingness of
foreigners to finance the current account deficit/capital account surplus)
until the demand and supply for its currency is brought into balance in the
market for foreign exchange.
Instability in Unregulated International Markets
As is explained in the text, a deficit in a
country's balance of trade or in its current account is not, in itself, a
bad thing, but there are two situations in which it can become a problem.
The first arises from the fact that while decisions regarding current
account transactions (imports, exports, and transfers) tend to progress
relatively slowly over time, the purchase and sale of financial assets in
international markets can be executed almost instantly. As was discussed
at the beginning of this chapter, this can lead to serious instability
in the markets for foreign exchange as speculation and the concomitant
speculative bubbles that culminate in financial panics and economic crises
are accompanied by, and are often the result of, dramatic and sudden shifts
in international capital flows. (EPE
Stiglitz
Klein
Johnson
Crotty
Bhagwati
Philips
Galbraith
Morris
Reinhart
Kindleberger
Smith
Eichengreen
Rodrik)
The second situation in which a deficit in a
country’s balance of trade or in its current account can become a problem
has to do with the way in which foreign investments can be used to
manipulate exchange rates. If a country with
a current account surplus is willing to make foreign investments it can
accumulate assets in deficit countries and, thereby, prevent its exchange
rates from rising (deficit countries' exchange rates from falling). This
makes it possible for the surplus country to keep the demand for its exports
from falling in response to its surplus. The risk in doing this is that,
because the assets being accumulated are denominated in foreign currencies,
those who accumulate foreign assets in this way will take a capital loss on
those assets in terms of their own currency if and when its exchange rates
eventually rises (foreign rates fall) since the assets will then be worth
less in terms of the domestic currency of the surplus country.
It is worth noting, however, that this potential
for capital loss is not necessarily a deterrent to a country artificially
suppressing its exchange rate in this way. To the extent the accumulated
foreign assets can be transferred to the country's central bank or to its
government, it is the central bank or government that will take the capital
loss when exchange rates eventually adjust rather than those who earn their
incomes in the exporting industries or otherwise benefit from the lower
exchange rate.
In addition, as will be explained in
Chapter 3, a trade surplus makes it possible for the distribution of
income to be concentrated at the top of the income distribution in that,
given the state of technology, when a country has a surplus in its balance
of trade, full employment can be maintained with a higher concentration of
income than in the absence of a trade surplus. It is also worth noting that,
as is apparent from Figure 2.3 above, almost all countries have been
willing to take this risk vis-à-vis the American dollar in recent years in
order to build up their international reserves, stimulate their economies,
or maintain the concentration of income within their societies.
Allowing countries to prevent their exchange
rates from rising and, thereby, keeping our exchange rates from falling has
led to our exchange rates being overvalued in the market for foreign
exchange for most of the past thirty-five years as foreign countries have
accumulated surpluses in their balance of trade while we have accumulated
deficits in ours. As a result, foreign goods have been undervalued in our
domestic markets for most of that period which has given importers an
unfair, competitive advantage in these markets. This has placed a serious
drag on the American economy and has had a particularly a devastating effect
on our manufacturing industries. In addition, as we will see in
Chapter 3 through Chapter 10, to the extent this drag has contributed to
the need for a rising debt to maintain employment, it has also contributed
to the instability of the American economy.
End Notes
If
it didn’t cost more to increase the amount of domestically produced
wheat in China than it costs to purchase wheat from us at the existing
exchange rate, the Chinese could save money by increasing the production
of domestically produced wheat and cutting back on the amount of wheat
they purchase from us. This would give Chinese farmers an incentive to
increase the production of domestically produced wheat until it did cost
more to increase production at home than to purchase from us.
Since the U.S. dollar is generally used as an international reserve
currency by most countries, U.S. dollars are the actual medium of
exchange that is used in most international transactions. Thus,
importers generally convert their currencies into dollars in order to
pay in dollars and exporters generally accept dollars in payment.
Ultimately, the dollars accepted by exporters must then be converted to
the exporter’s domestic currency if they are to be spent in the
exporter’s domestic economy, or, as will be discussed below, converted
into some other currency if they are not used to purchase dollar
denominated assets. It is this conversion process of foreign currencies
into and out of dollars that takes place in the market for international
exchange. See
Eichengreen for a discussion of the role played by the U.S. dollar
as a reserve currency in the market for international exchange.